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 | | Grasping-at-Straws:
"Pankisi Gorge Revisited" and US Policy.
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| By Jeffrey Silverman |
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Roddy Scott, a British Journalist killed in September 2002, wrote to the then editor of Azerbaijan Today Jeffrey Silverman before his death: "I personally think it's a great story, it's about the first time I have ever seen the possibility for someone to really lift the lid on everything, rather than the usual "journo-grasping-at-straws-with-no-good-sources" which seems to emanate from the region. And what really gives it the boost is that it is tied into US policy, which gives it the international rather than local/parochial flavor." Roddy's correspondence was in response to having reviewed an unedited draft of an article, which was later published on Eurasianet (Internet site), which addressed regional geopolitical events and the larger repercussions of breaking news related to the war in Chechnya.
Time is passing but there are still many questions left unanswered as to the unofficial political, economic and security networks in the region. It is especially interesting how events are portrayed in the United States and the Russian Federation in terms of the war on international "terrorism" and how a small enclave has such far-reaching geopolitical implications. Moreover, the price of oil plays well in the larger "New Great Game" for the Russians" - as they grease the component parts for their own ends. The game is the same for American interests; especially following the bloodless revolution in Georgia and backlash from Iraq. There is also a nexus with Chechen fighters in the valleys (Kodori and Pankisi) and unofficial Georgian links to larger operational and financial support in Turkey, Azerbaijan and the Middle East.
Peaceful Pankisi Gorge
The Pankisi Gorge is most often described as "trackless," "lawless," and a place "where even local policemen fear to tread." This story starts on March 11 2001 when George Bush stated that: "Terrorists working closely with al Qaeda operate in the Pankisi Gorge." Since then the Gorge has been associated in the public mind, since it became famous in the post-September 11 world, with kidnappings, arms dealing and drug trafficking, and this is why the US is willing to help Georgia with military aid worth $64 million. The US Government supports the Georgia military through a "Train and Equip" program along with technical advice, especially with regard to Pankisi Valley and its rumored links with terrorist networks. The situation in Pankisi Valley has improved after the arrests of 'suspected terrorists' and a well-publicized crackdown by Georgian authorities.
Journalists are not permitted to enter the area without official permission, and even then are under military escort at all times. The reason given for this level of control is the threat to personal safety. As an investigative journalist living in Georgia, I and Philip O Ceallaigh, an Irish journalist researching a piece for Irish state radio, entered the gorge without official permission two years ago as part of our research into arms smuggling. What we saw contradicted the official line about the situation in the area, propagated by the Georgian state - happy to receive funding-- and the United States (eager for a bigger foothold of influence in this strategically important country). Being the only journalists (to our knowledge) to have entered the area at the time without military escort, we were able to contradict many of the untruths propagated about the situation there by both the Georgian government and the United States. The Georgian government arrested both of us after we casually toured the valley. Philip O Cellaigh left Georgia shortly thereafter. I was subjected to constant police harassment in the following weeks and was later fired from a US government funded job without notice or cause (within days of the murder of Roddy Scott).
In the first place, "the gorge", as it has been consistently referred to in English, both officially and in the media, is not really a gorge. It is a fertile valley, almost twenty kilometers long, which has been home to a Chechen population, called Kists, for the past 200 years. Several thousand refugees from Chechnya have joined these since the second Chechen War. The security situation has been complicated for the Georgian government by the history of communication between Chechens over both sides of the border, which only became a state border with the collapse of the Soviet Union. With the war in Chechnya, fighters and arms have crossed back and forth. Even with the best will in the world, such mountainous terrain does not lend itself to surveillance.
Nexus to US Intelligence
Even with the increased security situation, nothing has really changed in the last few years. I entered Pankisi in February 2004 and stayed for two days with Chechens in investigating the death of Roddy Scott and the nexus to US intelligence services and the alleged covert supply of arms and money to Chechen fighters. It now appears, relative to research and governmental investigations in the last year, that much of the money used in arms purchases was robbed from US and European funded development projects such as USAID and from European funded development banks in Georgia.
This 2004 trip, however, was directed to getting the facts on the death of a British journalist. Contrary to reports in the Russian media, a Russian sniper bullet in fact killed Roddy Scott and eyewitness and other documentary evidence indicate that he was the main target of the well-planned Russian operation. The 31-year-old journalist was killed in October 2002 filming a firefight between Chechen fighters and the Russian army in the village of Galashka in the Ingush region of the Russian Federation. Roddy worked for Frontline TV, a British TV Company, and was no stranger to hotspots. However, the Chechen war was his special interest; he felt that the wrong information was being reported in the west, which in his mind had larger geopolitical undercurrents. Roddy Scott had covered other conflicts in such places as Albania, Kosovo and Afghanistan. He had made several trips with Chechen fighters from Azerbaijan to Georgia and back again to Azerbaijan in the years prior to his brutal murder.
Russian Special Services
The Russian media and special services had a field day over his death and portrayed him as a fighter. In a Russian article shortly after his murder, it reads he had two magazines for an automatic rifle, a notebook, and many cassettes contained information about Chechen soldiers. The article continues, "What was he doing in the territory of the Russia Federation and how was he able to cross the border illegally? What would be the commotion in the Western Press, if one of our journalists with a weapon in hand were caught among Irish terrorists in Great Britain?" Regardless of the propaganda gains at the time, this story has not held up to the facts and eyewitness accounts.
As with most things in this part of the world, many claims are exaggerated for outside consumption. The truth is something that escapes critical attention. As one Chechen wrote to his mother recently, "he forfeited his young life in bringing attention to the plight of the Chechen people and this terrible and needless war …his weapon was what the Russians feared the most -- his pen." He was not armed when he was shot with a sniper's bullet as confirmed by the recent investigation.
Balancing Act
The need to balance Georgia's needs to satisfy the West and the Russian Federation at the same time is proving rather difficult for President Mikhail Saakashvili. There has been a very close relationship between Georgia and the Chechens in recent years and changes in policy may be a potential flash point. The Russians know this and may be prepare to use it as an immediate step among many in slowing the construction of the BTC pipeline project.
Moreover, the Russia-Georgia rapprochement threatens the Chechen people and again they find themselves political pawns in a large geopolitical game. Moscow continues to use the "Chechen Card" in condemning that Chechens are still entering Russian territory from Georgia.
Already Saakashvili is promising Vladimir Putin help against Chechen rebels and preaching cooperation with security agencies. The problem is that these same Georgian entities have closely worked together with Chechens in recent years.
Regardless, Georgia is going to have to answer at the end of the day for the activities of the Chechens in Georgia as a Radio Free Europe Report describes the situation, that the Kremlin saw in Saakashvili a "responsible politician who is ready to answer for what is happening in Georgia ... for four years, Chechen refugees in Georgia have been used as bargaining chips in political games."
Talking to reporters after his meeting with Putin on 11 February , Saakashvili said he had offered his host the opportunity to join forces in enhancing security along the border and making it impenetrable to Chechen separatist fighters: "I [today] summoned [Valeri Chkheidze], the head of the Georgian border guard administration, [to Moscow] so that he could talk to his Russian colleagues. The problem is that Valeri Chkheidze and his minions have been accused by some confidential sources in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) of working closely with the Chechens by turning a blind eye and accepting bribes in allowing them to use Georgian territory, transporting weapons and conducting financial operations, which has been in close collaboration with Georgian authorities. A substantial amount of money traded hands over Pankisi and many in the former government and their "close clans" benefited from the money flows.
Few and Far Between
During the most recent visit to Pankisi in early 2004, having spent two days with the Kist and Chechens, it was clear that Chechen fighters were few and far between. This, however, may be more a sign that they were away on operations or were living outside of the valley. Two of four Chechen fighters that I had a two- and -a-half hour meeting with were in fact not living in Pankisi, but in a nearby Georgian town. Perhaps the Pankisi Valley is clear now for the sake of political spin but business as usual continues with local players. This situation, however, can provide the provocation for the Russians to act. If I can enter Pankisi without hindrance, then Russian "human intelligence" can do the same. The Georgian government always claimed that there were but a handful of Chechens in Pankisi but that was a falsehood.
Perceived Threats
As a recent Radio Free Europe article asks, "Does the Georgian-Russian Rapprochement Threaten Chechens?" I would answer, "yes", especially in the short term and within the framework of what is a freedom fighter vs. terrorist. But the real question is what does this mean to the ability of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili to survive and satisfyhis powerful supporters like the United States. Meanwhile, however, Moscow claims about "foreign mercenaries" who are freely entering Chechnya from Georgia is not well-founded. Regardless, everything must be evaluated in this part of the world from the perspective that the circumstances are best understood as a functioning of larger political games and as an integral part of the security and enforcement structures in place. Unofficial networks and "zero sum" games are what determine the extent to which illegal and geopolitical expediency act as barriers to conflict resolution and to establishing a viable international security policy for a fledgling democracy such as Georgia.
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